INTRODUCTION:

The Communist Revolution, which happened in Soviet Russia in 1917, is certainly a significant historical event, if not the entire world, but in modern times considered the most significant in Asia's history and a major landmark in human history. It is also undeniable that the Central Asian countries have had a significant impact on the history and culture of the Kashmir valley. Russia has considered invading India through Kashmir on multiple occasions because of its longstanding commercial ties to the region. After the Soviet Government was established in Russia, the British government in India made measures to prevent the spread of what they called Bolshevik literature and ideas. On March 2, 1919, in Moscow, an international communist congress met to lay the foundations of a permanent international organisation under the slogan "Workers and oppressed nations of the world unite" with India not represented, but some Indian revolutionary men met Lenin about that time. The communist party's role as a pioneer of the working class, with its science of social transformation, which Lenin's brilliance had developed at the turn of the century, was fully comprehended during the construction of a new kind of civilization (Raina, 1988: 61). The British Government became suspicious and, from the very beginning, took steps to block the spread of any revolutionary ideas and instructed the Kashmir Government to monitor the flow of Bolshevik literature over the Central Asian Road. Mr. B.G. Glancy, an expert on Kashmir and first assistant to British Resident in Jammu and Kashmir wrote the following letter to the chairman of the state's Council of Ministers on December 23, 1919:(Kumar, 1954: 31)

“I am directed to inform you that the Government of India has decided to take defensive measures against Bolshevik propaganda. Though actual proof of Bolshevik activity in India itself is small, the Government of India think that a serious situation may develop unless systematic protective measures are adopted… I am to ask that a careful watch may be kept by the Police for any Bolshevik literature which may be found in circulation. It is known that such literature has reached Persia and it may be smuggled into the State by land from Central Asia. In the opinion of the Resident any Bolshevik literature found in circulation should be forthwith proscribed by the Darbar.”

Kashmir's strategic proximity to Russia made it a significant threat to the British, who were desperate to maintain a watch station, built airfield and wireless stations at Gilgit after the Russian Revolution, as communist ideas posed a greater threat to their domination. Physical barriers, however, cannot prevent the flow of ideas. The new ideas did make it to the Indian subcontinent and then to Kashmir. Despite being geographically close, there was no direct contact between the Soviet Union and Kashmir. However, a Kashmiri young man named Mir Abdul Majid, along with other Indian colleagues, went to Tashkent in 1920 to learn gunnery and communist ideology at the Communist University of the Toilers of the East, Moscow. Majid returned to India after training and was involved in the Peshawar and Meerut conspiracy cases in 1922-23 and 1929-33 respectively. He expressed his complete support for communist programs. In his trail in the Meerut Conspiracy case had told British authorities “I am fully convinced that one day the proletarian revolution will surely be successful in India…We the communist are making efforts to bring about this revolution”(Dhar, 1999: 108). One more Lahore-based Kashmiri, Shams ud Din Ahmad, played a significant role for the communist cause and also attended the communist conference at Kanpur in 1926. He was also among one who actively took part in the North Western Railway strike in 1925 (Dhar, 1999: 108). The situation in Kashmir was fast evolving, with hundreds of young men embracing communist ideas.

The victory of the Bolshevik revolution inevitably stimulated new interest in India and acquired popularity within the working classes of imperialist nations itself. Inspired by the Russian socialist revolution, the communist movement in India made significant progress and were preparing a nationwide movement of workers and peasants in British India to overthrow the colonial government. By the end of 1919, strikes had spread throughout the country, and the wave reached its heights in the first half of 1920. Kashmir also showed signs of awakening. The wind of change found reverberation among the afflicted working masses of Srinagar, and this struck imperialism at its most tender spot (Raina, 1988: 61). Early, in 1848 and 1865, the poor and helpless shawl workers in Srinagar started mass actions against medieval oppression. But in 1924, silk factory workers launched a strong protest strike against retrenchment, marking the beginning of a new era of mass struggle for emancipation (Giyassuddin, 1992: 30-33). Historians attribute the first Kashmiri uprising in centuries, happening in the early 1930s, to "Bolshevik influence." (Korbel, 1954: 249)

PROGRAMS IN ACTION:

The communists in India were aware that the people of Princely states were battling against two oppressive forces at once: the tyrannical regimes of the Princes and the British efforts that were tighten their colonial grip on the states. Therefore, it was their deliberate policy to steer these changes in statecraft. In Kashmir, they initially used the strategy of interactions with young revolutionaries, some of whom had previously met them in Punjab and were inspired by their ideology (Dhar, 1999: 112). Faiz Ahmad Piracha, a well-known communist from India, settled in Kashmir in 1929. Pandith Radhay Nath Koul, another communist, arrived in Srinagar in 1931 and started a small study group to disseminate the communist ideology (Hassnain, 1988: 111). When the activities of this group gained momentum, the authorities ordered Faiz Ahmad to leave the state. Without a doubt, Faiz Ahmad left the state, but the authorities were unable to extinguish his influence in the Kashmir valley (Taseer, 1968: 207-215)

In 1937, several communist leaders traveled to Kashmir to put their ideas and objectives into action. Jagan Nath Sathu writes, "The communists have always had an eye on Kashmir and want to make it a strong Russian base from where they can strike when the time is right. With this thought, they appeared on the political scene in Kashmir as early as 1937"(Sathu, 1955: 2). Peer Gyassuddin also had mentioned that “A group of outstanding Indian Communist leaders took keen interest in the rearing of Marxist intellectuals in Kashmir since 1937; they worked inside the National Conference and strengthened its left wing"(Giyassuddin, 1992: 53)

People with Marxist convictions such as, Dr. K. M. Ashraf, Fazal Ilahi Qurban, Professor Abdullah Safdar, B. P. L. Bedi and his English wife Freda Bedi, Ajay Gosh, Dhanwantri, H. K. Singh, Surjeet, Rajbans Khan, Dr. Adhikari, Com. Gopal Dass, Com. Atta Mohd Peshwari from N.W. Frontier, Com. Soli Batliwala, Dr. Khursheed Mantoo of Lahore, P.C Joshi, Niranjan Nath Raina, etc visited Kashmir (Giyassuddin, 1992: 53-60). They made contact with a few Muslim Conference leaders who were thought to have communist tendencies at the time. Their efforts to cultivate an extensive friend and support network gradually bore fruit by winning over the sympathies of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq to the Communist faith. They also had transported a large quantity of Marxist material from Lahore to Valley. They conducted tours of the Kashmir Valley and spoke to workers organisations, student unions, public gatherings, and others. They did not form any branch of their party inside the state, but instead, they infiltrated into the National Conference and its affiliated organizations, including the “Youth League”, “Students Federation”, “Mazdoor Sabha” and “Trade Unions”, all of which were led by Nationalists. With Abdullah and Sadiq's support, they attempted to spread their tentacles far and wide (Bazaz, 1954: 418-419). Their socialist orientation significantly influenced Kashmiri leadership, established a strong base, and profoundly changed the political outlook of the National Movement in Kashmir.

In October 1937, Dr. Kanwar Mohd Ashraf, a prominent Marxist intellectual and friend of Pandit Nehru, visited the Valley and expressed interest in the student’s movement. He stayed for a few weeks, spoke with prominent members of the nationalist movement, and inaugurated a broad based student’s organisation at Gandhi Park, where he advocated "R.P. Dutt-Bradley’s Thesis of “anti-imperialist United Front." The Communists within the Congress told the students in audience to stay in touch with the ‘All India Students Federation’. The introduction of Marx and Lenin's ideas to Kashmir's intelligentsia is considered the most significant event of the Kashmir Freedom Movement. Indeed, a new phase was set in the freedom movement in Kashmir (Giyassuddi, 1992: 53). Some of the radical leaders of the Kashmir had now fully adopted the Marxist Ideology. Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq attended the All India Students Federation's annual session in Patna, as a special invited guest sponsored by the communist party (Dhar, 1989: 205). It should be remembered that the Students Federation carried out their mission behind the curtain of the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference and received favour and assistance from its top leadership (Taseer, 1973: 212). Mr. Sadiq then visited Bombay and had lengthy talks with communist leaders. After his return, they decided against the formation of a separate party because the National Conference itself provided them with a powerful platform. They also decided to "capture" the students and labour, a universal communist technique (Saraf, 1977: 657)

The Muslim Conference recognized labor issues and passed resolutions to organize and seek justice for the labor force. The task of mobilizing the laboring masses was initiated by B.P.L. Bedi, Mrs. Freda Bedi, and K.M. Ashraf. They were supported and strengthened in this work by Sheikh Abdullah, G.M. Sadiq, G.M. Kara, G.M. Bakshi, Mirza Mohammad Afzal Beg, Hakim Qurban, Faiz Ahmad Paracha, Dhanwantri, Sardar Budh Singh, Prem Nath Bazaz, Mistry Siraj ud Din, Lala Ram Chand, etc.( Khan, 1980: 336). Their intellectual prowess and efforts gave the idea of organizing the Mazdoor Sabha, a platform to address labor issues in Kashmir. About the movement M. Y Saraf mentioned: (Saraf, 1977: 518)

In November 1937, an organisation of labourers was set up in Srinagar under the leadership of Khawaja Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din Kara. On 14th November it observed a Labour Day. The Labour Movement was supported by Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz. Mr. Faiz Ahmed Paracha from Punjab, who came to Srinagar from Peshawar in 1929 and was actively associated with the labour movement, was externed on the allegation of being a communist. Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz was prohibited from making any speeches for six months.

These young leaders re-organise various associations, including the Kashmiri Motor Drivers Association, the Tonga Drivers Association, the Carpet Weavers Association, the Kashmiri Students Association etc. All these organisations were brought under the umbrella of a single organisation known as the Mazdoor Sabha. The Mazdoor Sabha was thrown open to all working classes, irrespective of religion, caste and creed. This overwhelming response of the Mazdoor Sabha gave a new impetus to the secular nationalist movement, because it was above communalism. By September 1937, the Mazdoor Sabha had significantly influenced state politics and expanded its activities. It played a crucial role in politics, training workers in organization, movement conduct, well-thought-out strategies, and disciplined action. This increased awareness of their power and effectiveness in secular politics in the state (Khan, 1980: 327-339)

In October 1937, the silk factory workers Union launched the first battle under the organized strength of the Mazdoor Sabha against accesses of the authorities of the factory, presenting a memorandum to the Government containing various grievances. In the following month, on September 13, 1937, a rally attended by around 5,000 workers in Srinagar, where Mr. Faiz Ahmad Paracha highlighted the importance of labor: (Khan, 1980: 339)

“The entire world depends for its survival on the existence of labourers and the working class masses. But the conditions of these labourers and working class masses are miserable because capitalists have crushed them. The remedy of this evil does not lie in the improvement and prosperity of one particular class but in the entire body of all classes of workers and labourers.”

In the rallies organized by the Mazdoor Sabha, the labourers carried red flags and banners contained new slogans and demands of purely economic character: “A Labourer is a Human Being”, “We want Two Time Meals”, “Slavery Does Not Profess any Religion” etc. The editor of Ranbir Weekly provided an insightful analysis on the nature of procession:

“The processionists carried red flags and banners in their hands, shouting slogans as a mark of protest….All kinds of slogans shouted were secular in character, having no concern with religion. The labourers did not demand their rights in the name of religion. This reflects the character of this new movement.” (Ranbir, 1937: 7) During this period, the national movement closely embraced the concept of scientific socialism. The Mazdoor Sabha's successful role expanded its leaders' vision, leading to efforts to organize the peasantry, which began in late 1937. The Communist philosophy influenced the labor movement in Kashmir, strengthened the power, prestige, and popular base of the National Conference. This transformation changed the ideological character, demands, slogans, organizational appeal, and structure of the national movement, making it a distinct political bastion for freedom struggle.

These Communists played an important role in influencing the Muslim Conference to change its policies, which resulted in the organization's new identity. On June 10, 1939, G. M. Sadiq made a proclamation—typical of a communist—that the freedom movement in Kashmir was a part of the worldwide revolution, and this was brought to everyone's notice in the special session. “It was a follow-up of a revolutionary era that had transformed the fate of powerful countries like France and Russia” (Khan, 1980:376)

By 1939, progressive elements in the National Conference had grown as an outcome of the October Revolution. Notable leftists associated with Sheikh Abdullah included G.M. Sadiq, Pt. Rughnath Vashnavi, Madan Lal, Ali Mohammad, Ved Prakash, Kishori Lal, Faiz Ahmad Paracha, Dina Nath Hanjora, Prem Nath Dhar, Kh. Umar Bhat, G. M. Kara, Badri Nath Koul, Prem Nath Bazaz, Mr. Bedi, and Dr. K. M. Ashraf. Besides, many more leftists were attracted by the National Conference who were seeking to join some suitable political party. Among such well-known individuals were Dr. Niranjan Nath Raina, D. P. Dhar, Peer Abdul Aziz, Mohammad Yousf Dar, Peer Giyasuddin, Janki Nath Zutshi, Moti Lal Misri, Prem Nath Jalali, Sardar Darbar Singh, Noor Mohd Sheikh, Ali Mohd Shah, and Miss Mahmuda Ahmad Ali Shah.etc.(Fazili, 2018: 74-75)

The Communists actively participated in the Freedom Movement, led by the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. They became its grassroots workers and office-bearers, participating in sessions and promoting a democratic program - complete abolition of absolutism. The communists introduced the slogan "Quit Autocracy," making them the first political force in the Indian National Movement to project such a radical concept. The National Conference in Srinagar, oriented on scientific lines, became a storm center in the struggles against autocracy in the state (Giyassudin, 1992: 50).

Fazal Illahi Qurban, a well-known Punjabi labour unionist, paid a visit to Srinagar in 1942. He established a "Study Circle," a form of anti-Fascist school, on Dal Lake by renting a houseboat. In the study group, a wide range of subjects were discussed, including "The Development of Society," "The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union," "The Indian National Movement," and "The Tactical Lines of the Communist International with Regard to the National Liberation Movement in Colonies, Semi colonies, and Dependent Countries”, I.e. (Ranging from evolution to French Revolution). In consideration of these theoretical concepts, the strategic course of action toward the Indian National Congress and the National Conference was chosen (Giyassudin, 1992: 54-55). Peer Giyassudin, Dr. Naseer Ahmad, G. M. Sadiq, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, Peer Abdul Ahad, Pran Nath Jalali, and others participated in the study group. Jalali admitted that “I ran away from my home to join the first study circle, where we had the first schooling on communist ideology in that houseboat”(Whitehead, 2010: 141-168). It was decided that communists would strengthen G. M. Sadiq's left wing within the National Conference. It adopted a minimal agenda that included overthrowing autocracy, instituting a democratic state on adult franchise, eliminating landlordism, and nationalizing utilities. It exhorted its followers to establish left-wing factions within working-class unions and to develop such unions from beginning. Thus, in this nascent study circle, the seeds of the “New Kashmir” programme were planted (Giyassudin, 1992: 55).

In the beginning of 1942, Niranjan Nath Raina, a Kashmiri Pandith and top-ranked communist, was appointed by the CPI as its representative in Kashmir, influenced by Communists during his studies at Allahabad University (Saxena, 1975: 398). He achieved eminence within the National Conference and in the local trade union movement. Peer Giyasudin mentioned “N.N. Raina possessed a breadth of vision, a revolutionary temperament, organizational techniques, and deep sympathy with the suffering of the working class, which enabled him to rise to high prominence among all of the communists in the state”(Giyassuddin, 1992:56). In 1942, he started a book stall called “The New Kashmir Book Stall” at Srinagar, which sold communist literature and publications from the Communist Party of India, including its official journal "people's war," a weekly produced by the C.P.I., served as another example of how the communist ideology in Kashmir were manifested.By the summer of 1945, the number of copies of people's war had reached 270, and it had approximately one hundred subscribers. In addition, during the years 1944 and 1945, communist literature worth 300 rupees was sold in Kashmir (Raina, 1988:125). He also started publishing the weekly newspaper Azad, which provided a progressive and Marxist perspective of political problems in the state and country (Saxena, 1975:398). In Jammu, Dhanwantri was deputed by the CPI to promote and activate the youth to carry out communist activities. Under his guidance, the daily Shamshere was published (Korbel, 1954:254). Peer Giyas ud din and Ram Nath published a new weekly newspaper called Inqilab during this time period; however the paper was eventually outlawed once it came into circulation (Giyassuudin,1992:61).

The Indian Communists movement had extensively influenced the Kashmir freedom struggle and even had a strong grip over the National Conference leadership, that on a very vital issue of the qualitative change, which the character of war was supposed to have taken after the Fascist Germany’s attack on the Soviet Union, the Working Committee of the National Conference held a meeting on 16^th to 18^th May 1942, after a deliberation lasting over twenty-two hours, a statement supporting war against fascism was issued to the press:(Abdullah, 1944:9)“…at this juncture of world history, it is high time that the people should realize the significance of the increasing danger to our country from the worlds Fascist forces. People must be roused from their apathetic attitude towards this war, which in the opinion of the Working Committee is no more purely imperialist conflict but has changed into a people’s front of the entire world against Fascism and reaction, no matter that reaction is of home-made variety or of a foreign brand…”

The aforementioned account of the war was exactly the same as that adopted by the CPI and the World Communist Movement. It was completely opposed to the stance taken by the INC. They refused to acknowledge that the nature of war had changed qualitatively as a result of the fascist attack on the Soviet Union.

On July 13, 1942, a group of national leaders motivated by leftist views made themselves known by shouting slogans like "Bahaduran-i-rous-Zindabad, Rous-ki-jung-awam-ke-jung, Awam-ke-Jung-humari Jung."(Taseer, 1968: 209) For the first time in the region's history, communist ideology was on full display. In December 1942, progressive forces manifested their presence at the National Conference session in Mirpur by issuing a clarion call, in which they congratulated the Red Army of the Soviet Union for its smashing victories over Nazi Germany and declared their solidarity with all those fighting world fascism in bloody battle at that time. (Raina, 1988: 118).

The growing influence of the communists was seen a major threat by its opponents who launched a smear campaign against communists. To disrupt and suppress their influence, they formed the "Indian First Club" in about 1942, an organisation to undermine their movement. The Club disseminated anti-communist ideas. To counter this, an ‘Anti-Fascist Student Front’ was formed, which was patronized by Sadiq. Fazal Illahi Qurban delivered lectures to the leading members of the ‘Anti-Fascist Student Front’. Ghulam Mohammad Bakshi also allied himself with these activities (Raina, 1988:119).

Srinagar became the hub of a movement to propagate leftist ideas that was launched more vigorously in the mid 1940`s. The communist ideologies were also promoted by the "Kashmir Literary League," which was created by the National Conference's leftist wing and was led by Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Qara. In addition, they also had organised a group called "Friends of Soviet Russia" founded and directed by Khawja Gulam Mohmmad Sadiq. The organisation was setup to inform people, irrespective of their political views, about the Soviet Union and its role in the liberation of all oppressed people in the world. This group had a membership of a few hundred, and a few tens were communists by conviction who were National Conference office bearers at various levels and belonged to all three major communities in the state (Raina, 1988:120-124).

In 1943, World War II had reached its pinnacle, and the destruction caused by the war had wreaked havoc over Europe. As a result of Russia's involvement in the war, it has been declared a fight for the defence of democracy against fascism. The tide turned against the Fascists on the global battlefield and the Red Army's amazing courage proved decisive. In light of these events, new vistas opened in Kashmir politics. Jammu and Kashmir's leftists did not choose to keep their mouths shut. On March 3, 1943, the student federation declared that the 3rd of March would be commemorated in the state as "Red Army Day.” They organised a procession of their members on this particular day. On bicycles, the processionists rode through Srinagar's major streets. Slogans like "Red Army Payandabad" were shouted by them. A mass gathering was held in the evening at Lal Chowk in Srinagar, when a resolution honoring Russia and denouncing Nazism was adopted (Ganie, 2015: 362).

The Kashmir Mazdoor Union was organised in 1944, as the central apex body to coordinate and lead all its constituent trade Unions with a mass base in the silk and woolen textile industry. This organisation won important concessions for the Municipal Workers, the Woolen Textile Workers, and led a successful strike of Silk Weaving factory in 1945 in Raj Bagh. In 1945, May Day was celebrated in Hazuri-Bhag, now Iqbal Park where a red flag with a hammer and sickle was flown. Sheikh Abdullah and Moulana Sayyid were among the main speakers who addressed the workers. This gave new direction and impetus to both the National Conference and the workers movement (Raina, 1988:125).

Communists were highly involved in the National Conference's freedom struggle and were considered as its major contributors. Their role and influence in Kashmir was manifested when, in September 1944, the National Conference adopted the "Naya Kashmir programme”. In the words of Rasheed Taseer, the concept of Naya Kashmir originated when Dr. Kanwar Mohammad Ashraf, a Marxist and freedom fighter, arrived in Srinagar from the Soviet Union in 1940 (Taseer, 1973: 29). One of its architects was communist leader Baba Pyare Lal Bedi (Whitehead, 2019:16). Sheikh Abdullah acknowledged in his autobiography Aatish Chinar (Flames of the Chinar) that they requisitioned a well-known Punjabi communist leader named B. P. L. Bedi, “who was friendly to us”, to draft this manifesto. He claims that it was even typed by his elegant and intelligent wife, Freida Bedi. According to him, Marxist figures such as Ahsan Danish and Daniyal Latifi also contributed to the drafting. (Abdullah, 1982: 300). The manifesto is brilliantly simple in its actual composition, almost a carbon copy of the manifesto issued for the constitution of the Soviet Union adopted in December 1936 and generally known as the Stalin Constitution (Whitehead, 2019:20). Sumantra Bose stated that it was "clearly based on a Jacobin conception of popular Sovereignty, augmented by a generous dollop of Bolshevism- ideas inspired by Soviet model - in the social economic part of the programme."(Bose, 2003: 25). In the introduction, Sheikh Abdullah advocated responsible government and democracy and a planned economy, and was quite open about the influences that he drew from for his ideas: (Naya Kashmir manifesto, 1944:7)

In our times, Soviet Russia has demonstrated before our eyes, not merely theoretical but in her actual day to day life and development, that real freedom takes birth only from economic emancipation. The inspiring picture of the U.S.S.R…, and their welding together into the United mighty Soviet State that is throwing back it’s barbarous invaders with deathless heroism, is an unanswerable argument for building of democracy on the cornerstone of economic equality.

The proposed New Kashmir constitution, consisting of 50 clauses, all but 8, bore the imprint of Stalin’s constitution and retained similar wording. Clause 16 of the New Kashmir constitution asserts that ‘work is an obligation and a matter of honor for all citizens capable of work’, (Naya Kashmir manifesto, 1944:7) reflecting a striking echo of article 12 of the Soviet Constitution which stated "Labor is an obligation and a matter of honor of each citizen: 'He who does not work does not eat. 'From each according to his capacity, to each according to his toil" (Constitution of the USSR, Art. 12)(Vyshinsky, 1948:204-205). Thus, the plans outlined in the Naya Kashmir manifesto epitomized the role and influence of Communists and the rise of leftist ideologies among National Conference officials.

It is important to note that after 1945, the post-war era saw a quick change on the global scene. When the anti-fascist war came to an end, the balance of power in the world sharply shifted in favour of those fighting for the abolition of colonialism and imperialism. The expansion of the colonial world, which was collapsing under the strong influence of the anti-colonial movement, was a distinctive aspect of the post-war period. Because the Indian subcontinent in general, and Kashmir in particular being adjacent to the Soviet Union and China was greatly impacted by those two countries. Sheikh Abdullah gave a strongly anti-government speech in Srinagar from 15 to 19 May, 1946; outlining the goals of the Quit Kashmir Movement and encouraged the masses to get ready for the final battle with the Dogras. The Movement's central theme was "absolute freedom from Dogra authority" and “restore sovereignty to its real owners –the people”(Kaul, 1990: 170-171) asking Dogra Maharaja to leave the Valley and “let Kashmiris to shape their own future.”(Bazaz, 1967:35) The Maharaja of Kashmir unleashed widespread persecution and repression. All the important leaders and workers of the National Conference, trade unions, student and youth organisations were arrested and some managed to evade arrest and reached Lahore. Many organizations of workers and peasant held strikes and agitations to express solidarity and encourage people to join the freedom struggle in Kashmir. Puran Chand Joshi, the Secretary of the Communist Party of India, appealed to all Indian political parties, workers, and intellectuals to support the Kashmiri people in their fight against the despotic government, appealing to them "Standing by them (Kashmiris) in their pursuit of the goal should be pride for all" (Fazili,2018:96). He described Sheikh Abdullah “as the wisest and the tallest among the state people’s leaders”(Whitehead, 2010:152). The Indian Communist Party Punjab Committee has appealed to all freedom-loving Indians to support the Kashmiri people in their egalitarian struggle and to sympathize with the movement to end "Changhise" rule in the state (Fazili, 2018:96). Rajani Palme Dutt, a communist and correspondent for the London-based Daily Worker, was invited to Kashmir by Sheikh Abdullah and reached Srinagar in the summer of 1946. His support and high regard for Sheikh Abdullah and Kashmir's resistance against tyranny both reflected and gave impetus to Indian communist activity in the Valley, shaping Abdullah's radical campaign against princely authority. The Communists praised the revolutionary fervor in Kashmir, viewing it as a potential model for left campaigns (Whitehead, 2010:152).

A major press campaign outside the state claimed that the Quit Kashmir Movement was influenced by the Russian Revolution to overthrow Maharaja. “Behind the Quit Kashmir agitation is probably seen the hidden Russian hand. Even high Congress circle have their own suspicions about it.

“The British Government has its own suspicions about the Quit Kashmir episode and behind the curtain several important fact collecting missions are at work.”(Kashmir Times, 1946) G.M. Sadiq’s explanation regarding its influence in this way: “Some men clearly find Russian and Communist hand in the movement, which is wrong. However, it is correct to say that the freedom, we fight for, has had an influence of many such movements….A rumour is spreading that Russians have influenced the political leadership in the State and Communists are playing mischief”, wrote the Vir Bharat (Fazili, 2018:93-94).

A member of the communal Hindu delegation, inspired by Kak, visited to the state at that time, stated.

“The slogan has a sinister meaning and appears to be the outcome of an alliance between Communists and certain interested agencies for the establishment of an independent Kashmir Muslim State, comprising the Kashmir Valley, Baltistan and Ladakh, which will remain friendly towards the U.S.S.R and become a menace to the consolidation of the Indian Union”(Kumar,1954:50-51).

The communists also took on the responsibility of protecting the city and neighboring areas against tribal invasions in 1947, at that pivotal moment in Kashmir history. G. M. Sadiq and Peer Giyas ud Din, two lefties from Kashmir, organized the National Militia as a voluntary armed group to combat raiders (Giyassuddin,1992: 56).The young communist Pran Nath Jalali served as militia’s political officer. Rajbans Khanna, a well known communist worker from Lahore took direct role in resisting the invaders. Andrew Whitehead writes, the leftist Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq was widely regarded as the “pioneer and leader of the militia," (Whitehead, 2010:152).

CONCLUSION:

The Communists, who fought for an egalitarian and democratic society, also carried this dream to Kashmir, galvanized the masses into action, in order to bring far-reaching changes in society. The prolonged struggle led by Muslim Conference for social, economic, and political emancipation gained momentum and progressed due to communist involvement. The communists, by working inside the Muslim conference successfully guided and advised its leaders, particularly Sheikh Abdullah. During the last days of the Muslim Conference, they played a crucial role in reshaping its basis, which eventually led to a change of its name to the National Conference. They instilled a new dynamic spirit among the people and the leaders which successfully led to secularization of politics on nationalist lines in Kashmir. The communist vital role in the Kashmir Students Federation, Mazdoor Sabha, Study Circle, Free Thinkers Association, Friends of Soviet Russia, Kashmir Mazdoor Union, Naya Kashmir Manifesto, and Quit Kashmir Movement, shifted focus to the exploitative nature of the state and economic structures. Their visit undoubtly influenced and changed the overall political perspective of the national movement in Kashmir. Thus, these events and discourses signify that communists had profoundly influenced and played a crucial role in the Kashmiri freedom struggle, as Sheikh Abdullah and his co-fellows had completely come under the shadow of the communists for the time being.

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Received on 23.01.2024 Modified on 10.02.2024

Int. J. Rev. and Res. Social Sci. 2024; 12(1):35-42.

DOI: 10.52711/2454-2687.2024.00008